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The Society for Research into Higher Education


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Professor Rosemary Deem (January 1949-August 2026)

by Louise Morley

Rosemary Deem was a great feminist scholar, friend, colleague, and mentor, known and respected worldwide for her major contributions to the field of higher education studies, her service in national and international agencies, and her extensive senior management experience at Royal Holloway, University of London, where she was Dean of History/​Social Science (2009–11); Vice-Principal, Education (2011–17); Vice-Principal for Teaching Innovation & Equality/​Diversity (2017–2019); and Doctoral School Dean (2014–19).

Rosemary’s long and extremely productive career in higher education began with her BA in Sociology at the University of Leicester from 1968-72, followed by an MPhil in Education. She was awarded a PhD by the Open University in 1990 for her thesis: Women and Leisure: A Sociological Investigation. During her career she held academic posts at North Staffordshire Polytechnic, Loughborough University, the University of York, the Open University, the University of Lancaster, and the University of Bristol, as well as Royal Holloway. Her first highly influential book in gender studies, Women and Schooling, was published in 1978. She initially researched women and leisure and educational governance and went on to develop significant expertise and experience in equality, diversity and inclusion, doctoral education, higher education management, qualitative research, and the sociology of power and policy in education. Her work on neoliberalism continues to lead the field and her ongoing and relentless commitment to research, scholarship, and peer review resulted in over 100 publications.

Known and respected widely, Rosemary had national and international professional networks. A regular participant in conferences globally, she learned the Portuguese language and became an external adviser to the Centre for Research in Higher Education Policies (CIPES) in 2024 at the Universities of Aveiro and Porto. She supervised and examined many doctoral students in Education, Sociology, Management, and Gender Studies and regularly supported her colleagues and students when they presented conference papers and seminars around the globe. She was a loyal and active participant and speaker in the Centre for Higher Education and Equity Research’s events (CHEER) at the University of Sussex, and always offered incisive and informed feedback.

Rosemary was a formidable influence at national level. She was elected three times to the Research Assessment Exercise panel in 1996, 2001 and 2008. From 2013, she served as co-editor of the journal Higher Education, published by Springer, and was a member of the Peer Review College of the European Science Foundation. She also served as co-convenor of the Higher Education Network of the European Educational Research Association. Between 2015 and 2018, she was the first woman to chair the UK Council for Graduate Education. She also served on the Editorial Boards of Higher Education Quarterly and Studies in Higher Education.

Rosemary at the SRHE Conference, December 2017

Rosemary played a significant role in the Society for Research into Higher Education and embodied the very essence of good citizenship. She was a member of the Governing Council (from 1999), the Research and Development Committee (from 2001), and chair of the Publications Committee (2003-6), leading the negotiation of contracts with publishers which re-established the financial stability of the Society. Rosemary was Vice-Chair of the Society from 2007-9, was elected Fellow of the Society in 2010, and was a keynote speaker at the 2016 SRHE Conference ‘International Contexts and Collaboration: The Implications and Impact of Brexit’. She even found time to deliver several Professional Development Programme sessions for SRHE including Peer Review: How to do it and get it right: Building confidence in your peer reviewing skills (June 2018) and Peer Review – a workshop for newer researchers (March 2015).

Her intellectual generosity meant Rosemary freely shared her substantial knowledge with colleagues and mentees. She was a critical friend on various SRHE funded research projects: in 2011 – Assessing the impact of development in research policy for research on higher education.  An exploratory study by Carole Leathwood (London Metropolitan University) and Barbara Read (Roehampton); in 2023 – Towards a Community-Informed Model for PhD research? A place-based exploration of attitudes to doctoral research programmes in Nottingham by Rachel Handforth (Nottingham Trent University); in 2024 – Navigating Microaggressions and EDI Initiatives: Lived Experiences of Chinese International Academics in England by Ming Cheng  (Sheffield Hallam University).

She was elected as a Fellow of the UK Academy of Social Sciences in 2006. Her extensive services to Higher Education and Social Science were further recognised in 2013 when she was awarded an OBE in the Queen’s Birthday Honours List.This was celebrated with a wonderful party at Royal Holloway attended by friends and colleagues from across the globe.We all reconvened six years later to celebrate her joyful 70th birthday. Her alma mater, the University of Leicester, recognised her work in the sociology of higher education by awarding her an honorary DLitt in 2014 and the University’s College of Social Sciences, Arts and Humanities bestows the annual Rosemary Deem Awards for Social Science Doctoral Researchers in her honour.

Rosemary’s husband since 1985, Professor Kevin Brehony, died in 2013. This was a tremendous loss for Rosemary as they had shared such an intellectually and socially rich life together. I knew Kevin before I knew Rosemary, as we worked together for 10 years at the University of Reading. Kevin was so proud of Rosemary and talked extensively about her and the happy times they shared travelling, cycling, camping, cooking, and of course, debating!

While Rosemary was a serious, committed and abundantly respected professional, she will also be remembered for her tremendous wry sense of fun, her kindness, energy, and joie de vivre. Her wit, wisdom and dry sense of humour could transform any situation into unbridled joy: we always laughed a lot whenever Rosemary was present. She will be hugely missed.

Emerita Professor Louise Morley, University of Sussex

Rosemary and Louise at the European Women Rectors’ Association Conference, Lisbon, May 2018


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Learning spaces, educational technology and the future of the physical learning environment

by James Rutherford

To look into the near future, it would be sensible to start by avoiding this typical question: What technology do we need to install in these rooms?’ We would be wise to ask instead: What do we want our education to look like?’ Future learning spaces and associated educational technologies require an approach that supports teaching and student collaboration, with accessibility features and environmental adaptations embedded within the design of learning spaces rather than delivered through standalone audio-visual equipment.

Research on learning spaces highlights the importance of aligning technology decisions with pedagogy and intended learning activities, rather than allowing the space and in-class technology to dictate educational practice. (Radcliffe et al, 2008) This principle resonates strongly with my experience working in HE learning environments, where the most successful spaces are those that enable effective communication and participation for all learners. The technical and physical space itself must therefore support diverse forms of engagement, ensuring that staff can teach effectively and that students can participate fully through listening, discussion, collaboration, practice and observation. (Jamieson, 2003)

Audiovisual technology

At City St George’s, University of London, the educational technology allows staff to enter any learning space, connect a laptop, teach, collaborate, record or stream sessions with minimal effort. This has largely been achieved through the learning spaces project (Designing Active Learning Initiative (DALI), 2026) and subsequent upgrade work, with room controls and user experiences standardised across the institution to reduce complexity and support requirements.

Design for learning and teaching

However, this can mean that technical decisions are made before the educational intent has been planned and shared with all stakeholders. It is advisable that educational technology supports the intended teaching activities rather than determines them, with the educational strategy and signature pedagogy of the university driving the learning environment design (Rudd, 2006; Hasper, 2024). Spaces ought to be designed around the learning and teaching needs of an institution, making it straightforward for staff to teach effectively and for students to engage successfully.

Environmental prerequisites

In many learning environments, audio quality often receives less attention than display technology, but it is obvious that students need to hear clearly, be able to participate in discussions and access lecture capture recordings. It is increasingly recognised as a key contributor to students’ learning outcomes, and there is evidence that speech intelligibility and the control of background noise are fundamental requirements for effective learning. This is because the design of each space directly influences effective communication. (Acoustic Design for Schools, DFE, 2015) This includes unwanted noise from corridors, neighbouring rooms, ventilation and external sources, as extraneous noise can be a real hindrance to learning and teaching capabilities.

Therefore, acoustic treatment needs to be considered as fundamental, now and in the future, not least with accessibility at the forefront of our minds. Universities can often improve existing spaces through acoustic treatment and interventions designed to reduce reverberation, although the feasibility and cost will vary by building.

Controllable lighting, appropriately designed and ergonomic furniture, thermal comfort and excellent sightlines all contribute to an effective learning experience. Classroom furniture is now expected to be comfortable, robust and appropriate for the type of teaching taking place. Spaces need to accommodate different body sizes, the requirements of student movement, with diversity and accessibility alongside different timetabled patterns of use and perhaps involving longer teaching sessions.

Accessibility is fundamental

Future learning spaces will need to be designed with diverse learners in mind, consistent with the principles of Universal Design for Learning (Universal Design for Learning|CAST, 2026). Spaces are required to include captioning, recordings, remote participation and flexible methods of seating and student engagement. Across HE, accessibility is increasingly being incorporated into space planning from the outset through features such as captions, accessible controls, suitable furniture for students with access needs, clear audio and barrier-free access. Real inclusion is developing into a measure of quality rather than an afterthought.

Design for hybrid delivery

Hybrid delivery could be seamlessly integrated into learning space design while ensuring that the on-campus experience remains the priority. Spaces need to support clear sound and appropriately intelligent camera angles. Video conferencing tools permit content sharing, recording and online participation as standard, but hybrid teaching must not feel like an add-on; rather, it should be a flexible and inclusive addition to the learning approach (Beatty, 2007; Melcher et al, 2025). In hybrid spaces, students need to hear the lecturer, hear questions from the room, follow discussions and revisit recordings afterwards.Consequently, excellent microphones, clear loudspeakers, robust voice support, as well as captions and assistive listening are expected to be core requirements.

AI tools

AI is likely to support areas such as transcription, captioning, camera tracking controls, fault detection and remote monitoring for the service teams. Its role would be to improve accessibility, as well as provide data analysis of how the space is performing environmentally and reduce workload rather than add complexity. Such developments must, however, consider how AI tools relate to privacy, ethics, and data governance, which will remain important factors in their implementation.

Support and maintenance

Learning spaces will become easier to monitor, maintain and update through centralised management tools that do exist, but with emerging AI capabilities that could enhance these processes through predictive maintenance, intelligent system monitoring, automated troubleshooting, and data-driven insights. Support teams would then be able to identify and resolve many issues remotely, improving reliability and assisting with planning of new environments.

The transformation of accessibility and inclusion

Accessibility is no longer regarded purely as a matter of compliance, but as an essential component of the learning environment. Future learning spaces ought to be planned and designed on the basis that:

  • some students will need captions
  • some students will rely heavily on lecture capture recordings
  • some students will be neurodivergent
  • some students will join remotely
  • some students will be working in noisy or shared environments
  • some students will need language support

This is key because it changes accessibility from a ‘special provision’ into part of the normal learning experience, in particular the essential role that lecture recordings play for neurodivergent and disabled students (Horlin, Hronska and Nordmann, 2024).

The AI-supported room

AI technology is likely to be adopted within learning spaces with support for:

  • automatic camera framing
  • lecturer tracking
  • capture of student questions
  • reduction of background noise in lecture capture
  • live transcription
  • searchable lecture capture recordings
  • automatic chapters in those recordings
  • summaries of sessions
  • early warning of equipment faults
  • better support information for technical teams
  • information about how rooms are being used

There are obviously numerous risks with adopting AI: too much monitoring; weak governance; data protection and privacy concerns; intellectual property questions; and technology that looks clever but does not help teaching. However, as two recent literature reviews illustrate, the opportunity that AI tools can bring is undoubtedly significant, with the potential for less pressure on academics to operate the technology in a classroom and by offering better access for students (Crompton and Burke, 2023; Adamakis and Rachiotis, 2025).

Conclusion

If the last twenty years were defined by the digitisation of teaching, the next decade could be defined by the redesign of learning itself. Will higher education across the UK embrace this opportunity? Can it afford not to in the current climate of financial uncertainty and geopolitical vulnerability? Accessibility, hybrid participation, intelligent systems and engaging learning environments can no longer be regarded as enhancements, as they will surely become the standard to meet the expectations of students and staff. The institutions that thrive will not be those with the most technology, but those that use it most purposefully. The future of learning spaces is not about what technology we install; it is about what we enable.

James Rutherford is a Senior Educational Technologist at City St George’s, University of London, specialising in learning spaces, educational technology, and hybrid delivery. With over 35 years’ experience in higher education, he has worked as a learning space designer, AV project manager, and video producer, leading initiatives that support innovative and inclusive learning and teaching. James holds a Master’s in Advanced Educational Practice from the UCL Institute of Education and is a Fellow of Advance HE.

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How universities behaving sensibly could destroy access to HE

by Rob Cuthbert

Since the Higher Education and Research Act 2017, national policy for higher education has left HE institutions to the mercies of a market overseen by a regulator, the Office for Students. Each year A-Levels results shine a spotlight on the consequences, which are already visible – major financial difficulties, academic staff redundancies, reductions in course and programme offerings. What everyone knows is that these are the consequences of the wrong kind of competition and a mix of government policies which have combined to slash HEI revenues. These consequences flow from behaviour by students and universities responding rationally, as best they can, to the policy context. But if higher education policy stays the same, the behaviours which seem so rational at institutional level will destroy opportunities for access to the whole higher education sector.

Everyone knew that 2026 would be another ‘highly competitive’ results round – for universities. Applicants, on the other hand, have discovered that there are higher-tariff universities making lower-tariff offers. Increasingly, their ‘insurance’ choices are not insurance against lower grades, but instead simply offer two chances to apply to high-tariff providers. Clearing increasingly offers more flexibility and more chances, if results are not what some had hoped. And things will only get better for applicants over the next five years or more. This is good news for some – the offspring of the mobile middle classes will be experiencing a buyer’s market for some time. But it may be increasingly bad news for others, who just live in the wrong place, may not have much social and financial capital, and can’t move far to go to university or another HE provider.

Everyone also knows what Bahram Bekhradnia pointed out in his recent HEPI Report, Demographic decline and predatory recruitment: the twin threats to English higher education into the 2040s. Population decline means that the number of 18 year olds will be almost 20% lower than at present by the late 2030s. It follows that unless an increasing proportion of young people apply to HE there will be 20% fewer students in English HE in ten years’ time, with a corresponding loss of revenue. However there is no sign of an increase in the proportions applying for HE, which is unsurprising given the intensity of media coverage of student debt and the associated question ‘Is higher education worth it?’. This, of course, is despite the evidence that there is still a ‘graduate premium’ in lifetime earnings, even if it is declining. There is no sign of demand weakening, and students’ satisfaction with their HE experience remains high, even edging higher in the most recent national survey.

Phil Hill in his OnEdTech blog on 13 August 2026 spotted the parallel contradictions in UK and US education policies: “Omar Khan … published a piece at Wonkhe this week arguing that UK policy on graduate earnings contradicts itself. The government wants the graduate earnings premium to rise … It also wants parity of esteem for young people who don’t go to university. Khan calls out the problem: “no amount of rhetorical flourish can make both graduates and non-graduates earn more than the other in their monthly payslips.” … Based on the latest ED [US Education Department] data, 29.0% of undergraduate certificate programs and 6.6% of associate degree programs would fail the earnings premium rules, while just 1.2% of bachelor degree programs would fail. The actual policy is about to put a massive constraint on non-degree student programs. … So which is it? Are we building short-form pathways or auditing them out of existence? The UK can’t decide whether it wants the premium up or the gap closed. The US can’t decide whether it is promoting the alternatives or testing them to death. The earnings premium is not solely an American idea being argued in American terms. Not only is the earnings premium idea bipartisan in the US, it is international and may be growing in scope.”

Phil Hill’s associate Glenda Morgan underlined the parallels between the US and the UK in her On Student Success website. “Two recent reports – one on American public higher education from NCHEMS and another on English universities from the Higher Education Policy Institute (HEPI) – show what this looks like in practice. Higher education systems are, like it or not, stratified by prestige, selectivity, wealth, and recruiting power. That is a description of institutional position, not a judgment about educational quality or public value. But what happens when the number of prospective students stops growing? In a stagnant or shrinking market, institutions cannot all maintain their enrollment by capturing a larger share. Growth becomes increasingly redistributive: one institution’s gain is more likely to produce losses elsewhere. Better-resourced institutions expand into markets traditionally served by other colleges and universities. Institutions with less power in the hierarchy respond by adding programs, recruiting new student populations, or moving into the territory of still more vulnerable institutions. Each decision may be rational for the institution that makes it. Collectively, however, these decisions can leave higher education systems more hierarchical, less stable, and less capable of serving students who depend on affordable and geographically accessible options”

UK government policy restricting applications by foreign students, driven by concerns over immigration, has severely reduced the alternative revenue-generating options for most universities, as recently recognised by the mainstream media. Louise Eccles, Robert Watts and Yennah Smart wrote in The Sunday Times on 8 August 2026, previewing A-level results day: “Foreign student slump forces A* universities to accept BBB grades”. At the same time there are now 700,000 (31%) of UK students, facing the prospect of huge debt from student loans, who choose or are compelled to stay in the family home and become commuters to a university within reach.

Applications from the UK are increasing for STEM and related disciplines, which applicants probably believe will offer better career and financial prospects for graduates. (FFT Education Datalab provides authoritative analyses of trends and variations in patterns of achievement.) Institutions respond by taking a medium or long-term view and reshaping their academic offering in response to changes in application patterns. Rather than making across-the-board reductions. many institutions choose to eliminate entire subjects or fields of study. The British Academy’s recent report, Cold Spots: Mapping Inequality in SHAPE Provision in UK Higher Education, spelt out the danger underlined in the recent SRHE blog by Christopher Playford and colleagues at Exeter: “Some students travel far from home to attend university. But many do not, and many cannot. The rising cost of higher education means that for students from lower-income families, mature students, commuters, carers and those with strong local ties, the possibility of studying close to home can determine whether higher education is realistic at all. Local provision of higher education therefore affects what courses are available to young people.”

UK government policy choices have made things worse for HE, by encouraging the mis-framing of HE as ‘academic’ and FE as ‘vocational’ and putting HE and FE sectors into competition rather than supporting the FE-HE collaboration which is essential, and seems to be appreciated much more in Wales and Scotland than in England. Other policy initiatives have significantly reduced HE revenues, with increased National Insurance charges for employers, a levy on overseas student fees, and changes to student visa requirements reducing demand from overseas applicants. There were media reports on 21 August 2026 that the government might agree to cut overseas fees for EU students as part of its broader attempts at rapprochement with Europe, further reducing revenue for already cash-strapped universities. These reductions have far outweighed the benefit from ending the long-term freeze of undergraduate fee levels. Real-terms institutional income has been reduced to levels not seen since 2010, well below the economic cost of delivering undergraduate education.

Institutions are behaving rationally in their own interests, within the prevailing policy context. Applicants are behaving rationally and consistently in responding to the incentives and opportunities presented to them. It is the policy that needs to change – we urgently need financial incentives or rewards for institutions seeking to maintain opportunities for reasonably local and regional study across the country. Without such changes the HE sector may see the participation rate decline, in sharp contrast to the global trend almost everywhere else. That would be an astonishing response, in one of the UK’s most globally successful sectors, to the UK’s need for economic growth. This is a particularly English problem: different government structures in Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland offer more opportunities for intervention. But the market in English HE has failed to protect access, and things will get worse unless the government chooses to intervene. Those earlier policy creations, the University Grants Committee and the Higher Education Funding Council for England, as funding agencies delivering most of the funds for teaching, would have found it feasible, perhaps even comparatively straightforward to address the problem. The question is whether government now wants it to happen, and whether the Office for Students as regulator has the competence and capability to do what needs to be done.

Rob Cuthbert is Emeritus Professor of Higher Education Management, University of the West of England and Joint Managing Partner, Practical Academics rob.cuthbert@btinternet.com. X/Twitter @RobCuthbert. Bluesky @robcuthbert22.bsky.social.


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Vibe-coding and co-creation: human-AI collaboration in higher education

by Andrew Williams

The debate around artificial intelligence (AI) in higher education has largely focused on students. Are they using ChatGPT in assessments? How do we maintain academic integrity? How should teachers and curricula adapt?

Much less attention has been given to academics working with generative AI (GenAI) as a creative collaborator or co-pilot, rather than merely attempting to mitigate its impact. The potential for productive and effective AI collaboration deserves greater consideration because it challenges longstanding assumptions about expertise, creativity and educational design.

Ever since the release of ChatGPT in November 2022, I have been fascinated by how intuitive the interaction with GenAI tools can be and the ease with which ideas can be explored through ordinary conversation. GenAI is a sophisticated technology that allows users to test possibilities, refine outputs, and rapidly turn preliminary concepts into usable material.

My background is in biological sciences, with no grounding or expertise in computer science, software engineering or coding. For me, this technology has helped me overcome technical barriers and allowed me to explore new ways to teach and to develop bespoke educational resources. I envisioned a learning experience for my undergraduate medical science students (studying human genetics and evolution) that moved beyond static textbook diagrams and dry explanations to a more interactive and visually stimulating format. Realising that vision required a simulation that let students tweak parameters, observe real‑time population dynamics, and grasp complex evolutionary ideas.

Traditionally, such a project would rely on grants, external software developers, or months of self‑taught coding. For most of us, the gap between an innovative pedagogical idea and a digital reality was confined by technical expertise. Today, through iterative collaboration with GenAI, natural language can function as a design interface, allowing educators to transform ideas into working educational tools.

I was also intrigued by the ever improving, and often publicised, capabilities of GenAI tools as coding agents. With no coding experience myself, I decided to try my hand at ‘vibe-coding’.

Natural language as a design interface

‘Vibe-coding’ is an emerging term within technology communities that describes a process where functional intent is communicated via natural language prompts, allowing AI to generate and refine code. This allows the user to focus on what the tool should do rather than how it must be coded. Essentially, ‘vibe-coding’ involves directing the AI to write and co-develop code aligned with your vision and pedagogical objectives. In other words – no code, no problem!

My recent research describes an iterative prompting strategy and the outcomes of a human-AI collaboration to create an interactive simulation that models certain aspects of evolution (Williams, 2026a). Instead of learning JavaScript or working with software developers, I co-created an application with ChatGPT using only natural language prompting. The result was a browser-based simulation capable of supporting inquiry-based learning and formative assessment in undergraduate education.

Rather than blindly generating content based on loosely defined instructions, the human-AI collaboration involved a structured iterative prompting strategy, careful testing of AI-generated output and re-prompting until the desired aims of the project were met. This enabled the creation of an interactive simulation in which students could investigate biological systems, manipulate variables, export datasets and construct evidence-based explanations (figure 1). This allowed students to move beyond consuming information, to generating and interpreting data themselves in real-time.

Figure 1. Snapshot of ‘Survival Island’ – an interactive simulation.

The Illusion of automated expertise

There is a prevailing narrative that AI democratises expertise, in that it allows anyone to do anything more quickly and with less effort. My experience of ‘vibe-coding’ suggested something different. The  credibility of the final simulation depended on actively embedding disciplinary expertise directly into the co-design process.

While the AI had removed the technical barrier (the coding), it had increased the importance of my academic expertise and oversight. The AI could generate a thousand lines of code in seconds, but it couldn’t tell me if the code represented a plausible scientific simulation. My epistemic judgement was required to verify the AI-generated output. The final student-ready simulation required multiple rounds of iteration, testing and re-prompting, until the collaboration achieved a credible and biologically grounded application suitable for teaching.

Rather than replacing my expertise, ChatGPT provided capabilities I do not possess: writing HTML; JavaScript; debugging code. I contributed disciplinary knowledge, pedagogical intent and continuous evaluation. Every feature reflected educational decisions rather than technical ones. The simulation succeeded because the educational need was clearly defined before AI generated the code.

Higher education has often treated GenAI as an automated assistant or as a problem to be mitigated. Increasingly, it may be more productive to think of AI as a collaborator whose contributions depend upon human judgement. Expertise remains indispensable, as humans ultimately remain responsible for judging whether outputs are educationally, scientifically and ethically sound.

Beyond the prompt: the AI literacy gap

Universities have understandably invested considerable effort in developing student AI literacy. This project led me to a broader appreciation of the need to promote teacher AI literacy across higher education, a critical area often overlooked.

AI literacy for teachers is not just about knowing how to write a good prompt or choosing the best online GenAI tool. Rather, it is a multi-dimensional competency that considers foundational knowledge (prompting, tool use), ethical, emotional and technical proficiencies. For educators to co-create teaching resources in collaboration with AI, for example through vibe-coding, more than technical curiosity is required.

The iterative ‘vibe-coding’ process I followed mirrors the ‘critical evaluation’, ‘epistemic’ and ‘innovation’ dimensions of an integrated AI literacy framework for higher education teachers (Williams, 2026b). This recently published conceptual framework comprises eight core AI literacy dimensions, which you can access in full using the link.

In the current context, the important  AI literacy dimensions include:

  • Critical evaluation: the ability to treat the AI model as a “black box” and rigorously verify outputs against authoritative sources.
  • Epistemic authority: a clear understanding of the probabilistic nature of GenAI and the domain-specific expertise to judge AI output, thereby retaining human agency during interactions with AI.
  • Innovation mindset: the willingness to move from being a consumer of tools to a co-creator of bespoke learning environments, including an understanding of how to collaborate effectively with GenAI.

These are becoming essential academic capabilities rather than optional technical skills. This transition presents considerable challenges, as academic practice has historically been predicated on either individual resource creation or the outsourcing of technical development to third parties. GenAI now enables academics to become directors of increasingly sophisticated creative processes. They define the educational challenge, AI performs the technical implementation, and academics evaluate and verify the final outcome.

As technical production becomes easier with GenAI, educational judgement becomes increasingly important. Our value is no longer found in the technical labour of production, but in our ability to define the educational challenge, critique the iterations, and curate the final outcome. The “vibe” we are coding is our pedagogical intent.

Key takeaways

  • AI is a tool, not a replacement.
  • Human-AI collaboration enables pedagogical creativity.
  • ‘Vibe-coding’ uses AI’s coding capabilities but demands epistemic oversight.
  • Teacher AI literacy is multi‑dimensional.
  • Institutional support is required to build that AI literacy.

GenAI is redefining the landscape of higher education, not through incremental improvements to traditional teaching materials, but by enabling entirely new educational content to be created. However, despite the promises of this new technological revolution, we still need robust evidence about student learning gains, engagement, accessibility and the sustainability of AI-generated educational resources.

It is easy to provide AI tools for HE educators to use. The challenge is to give educators the technical, critical and ethical literacy required to use them effectively.

Andrew Williams is a Professor (Teaching) in the Faculty of Medical Sciences at UCL. He teaches immunology and cell and molecular biology to undergraduate and postgraduate students. His research aims to explore the impact of artificial intelligence (AI) on assessment and learning in higher education and the ways in which we can promote student and staff AI literacy.


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Learning analytics won’t close awarding gaps. Better teaching will.

by David Mather

Universities have invested heavily in understanding awarding gaps. We know more than ever about differential outcomes between student groups. We have sophisticated learning analytics platforms, increasingly accurate predictive models and growing confidence in our ability to identify students who may disengage, withdraw or underperform. This is important work, as it has helped institutions move away from reactive support towards earlier and more informed intervention.

Despite this, awarding gaps remain stubbornly persistent. Perhaps that is because we have spent the last decade using data to identify students rather than improve teaching. If we have become better at identifying students who are likely to struggle, why have we made less progress in changing the outcomes we are trying to improve?

Perhaps the answer lies in the purpose we have given our data. Learning analytics has become one of higher education’s greatest success stories. Universities now know more about their students than at any point in the sector’s history. Attendance, engagement with virtual learning environments, assessment patterns and a range of demographic indicators provide increasingly sophisticated pictures of student behaviour (Romero & Ventura, 2024). Most institutions now use this information to answer a single question: who is most likely to struggle?

It is an important question, but I am no longer convinced it is the most educational one.

Learning analytics has become remarkably good at supporting institutional decision making. It helps us identify educational risk, target student support and improve continuation. However, prediction is not pedagogy. Identifying students who may struggle is not the same as understanding how teaching might change their trajectory. Awarding gaps are not created by dashboards. They emerge through complex interactions between curriculum, assessment, expectations, recognition, belonging and students’ experiences of learning. They will not be closed by increasingly sophisticated prediction alone. Therefore, the assertion of this article is simple: better teaching closes awarding gaps. The role of data should be to improve teaching rather than improve prediction.

The distinction that I have presented became clear to me long before I joined higher education. My career began in further education, where I taught and led in sixth form colleges. Like many colleagues working in that sector, I became accustomed to using ALPS, a value added system that compares students’ outcomes with those expected from their prior attainment (ALPS Education, 2025). The numbers themselves were rarely the most interesting part of the conversation – the pedagogic conversations they created were.

Course teams did not gather simply to identify students who might miss their target grades. They asked why one assessment had produced stronger outcomes than another. They debated whether curriculum sequencing was helping students build confidence. They compared approaches to feedback and questioned whether different teaching strategies had influenced progress. Data became a catalyst for professional dialogue. It encouraged teachers to think critically about pedagogy rather than simply monitor performance.

One observation emerged repeatedly. Students at either end of the attainment spectrum were visible. Those achieving well continued to receive stretch and challenge. Those facing significant barriers rightly attracted additional support. However, those in the middle of those two poles often received much less attention. These were students who attended lessons, completed assignments and achieved respectable grades. They were progressing, but they had begun to plateau. Their potential remained largely hidden because nothing within the data suggested they required intervention.  I have become increasingly convinced that higher education contains the same group.

Earlier this year I described those between the two poles as the silent middle (Mather, 2026a). My argument then focused on belonging. Universities have become increasingly effective at identifying students who excel and students who experience significant challenge. Those in between often remain unnoticed because they continue to progress through their programmes without attracting concern. Progress, however, should never be mistaken for fulfilled potential. My earlier articles have led me to a conclusion that the silent middle is not simply a group of overlooked students – they reveal something more fundamental about the questions we ask of our data.

Learning analytics tells us who is likely to struggle. It tells us much less about where teaching is most likely to make the greatest educational difference. Those are not the same question. One helps universities manage institutional risk. The other has the potential to improve educational practice. The distinction is significant because universities cannot close awarding gaps through prediction alone. They will close them by improving teaching, strengthening relationships and creating learning environments in which more students can succeed. Learning analytics has an important role to play in that ambition, but only if we stop asking it to tell us merely who needs support and start asking what it can teach us about teaching itself. The question is not whether universities should continue to invest in learning analytics (they should). The question is whether we have become too comfortable allowing learning analytics to define the educational problem.

For the past decade, learning analytics has largely been framed as an exercise in prediction. Institutions seek to identify students who may withdraw, fail or disengage so that support can be targeted before those outcomes become inevitable (Romero & Ventura, 2024). This represents an advance over retrospective approaches that identified concerns only after students had already fallen behind. Early identification and timely-bound support are crucial. The sector should not lose either.

However, prediction is not an educational strategy. Prediction tells us which students are most likely to experience difficulty. It tells us very little about what educators should do differently. A dashboard cannot redesign a curriculum, improve formative feedback, strengthen relationships between students and staff or create cultivate belonging. All of those are fundamentally pedagogical acts.

Awarding gaps emerge through pedagogy as much as they emerge through student characteristics. Curriculum design, assessment practices, expectations, feedback, representation and relationships all influence whether students flourish or merely progress. All of this means that learning analytics should be judged not simply by its ability to predict outcomes, but by its ability to improve teaching.

The distinction between prediction and teaching quality has profound implications for educational leadership. Every university leader understands that resources are finite. Personal tutors, learning developers, academic skills teams and lecturers cannot provide intensive support to every student throughout the academic year. Decisions therefore have to be made about where educational effort should be concentrated. Those decisions are often informed by indicators of risk. Students who stop attending, miss assessments or disengage understandably receive attention. That is appropriate and necessary, but I wonder whether we have overlooked another question: where is teaching most likely to change a student’s trajectory?

That question shifts the purpose of learning analytics completely. Instead of asking who is most likely to fail, we begin asking where educational opportunity exists. Instead of identifying institutional risk, we begin identifying pedagogical opportunity. Those are not competing priorities – they are different ways of thinking about educational gain.

My experience in further education suggests that this distinction is crucial. ALPS data did not conclude conversations about attainment – it started them. Teachers debated why one class had responded differently from another, why particular assessment approaches appeared more effective and which students seemed to benefit most from timely feedback or increased challenge. Data did not replace professional judgement – it sharpened it. Higher education has an opportunity to claim that mindset.

Freire (1970/2005) argued that education is transformative because it encourages dialogue, reflection and action rather than passive acceptance. His critique was directed at pedagogy, yet it also offers a useful way of thinking about educational data. Learning analytics should not become another form of educational banking in which institutions accumulate information without fundamentally changing practice. Data has educational value only when it changes the conversations educators have about teaching.

Addressing data for the purpose of informing pedagogy and practice should intersect with the conversation about awarding gaps. Universities have invested considerable effort in understanding differential outcomes across student groups. That work has transformed institutional awareness of structural inequalities and rightly challenged assumptions that degree classifications simply reflect individual effort or ability. Research has consistently demonstrated that awarding gaps emerge through complex interactions between curriculum, assessment, belonging, institutional culture and wider social structures rather than any single deficit within students themselves (Mountford-Zimdars et al, 2015). Addressing those gaps therefore requires sustained institutional commitment.

The institutional commitment I refer to is where the silent middle re-enters the conversation. Those in the silent middle are rarely identified as requiring support because they continue to engage, submit work and progress through their programmes (Mather, 2026a). They do not generate alerts because they are doing precisely what institutional systems expect them to do. Many achieve marks in the middle classifications throughout their degrees. They are neither failing nor flourishing – they simply continue. My question is: do our data encourage us to notice them? 

I suspect they do not. As such, the consequence is that some of the students with the greatest capacity for educational gain receive the least pedagogical attention. Universities rightly identify students whose continuation is at risk. We devote much less effort to identifying students whose attainment could be transformed through relatively modest changes to teaching, feedback or academic relationships.

Educational gain is not distributed evenly across a student population. Some learners require substantial pastoral support simply to remain engaged, whilst others may experience significant academic development following one timely conversation, carefully designed formative feedback or an increased sense of belonging within their discipline. If learning analytics cannot help us distinguish between those different forms of educational opportunity, then we are asking increasingly sophisticated systems to answer significantly limited questions. Perhaps the challenge facing higher education is not to build better dashboards – perhaps it is to ask more educational questions of the data we already possess.

The argument I have made in this article is not that universities should invest less in learning analytics. Institutions should continue to develop their analytical capability because understanding students’ experiences is crucial if they are to be enhanced. However, my concern is that we have become so focused on prediction that we have paid insufficient attention to pedagogy. Learning analytics has become exceptionally good at telling us which students are most likely to struggle. It has been much less successful in helping us understand how teaching itself should change. If universities genuinely want to reduce awarding gaps, I contend that we should ask different questions of our data.

First, what do the data tell us about our teaching rather than our students? Much of our current use of learning analytics encourages us to examine student behaviour. Attendance, engagement and submission patterns become indicators of individual risk. Those measures have value, but they tell us little about the effectiveness of our curriculum, assessment design or feedback practices. Every dashboard should prompt course teams to ask whether the learning environment itself requires attention before concluding that the student does.

Second, where is the greatest opportunity for educational gain? Universities have become highly effective at identifying educational risk. We should become equally interested in identifying educational opportunity. Some students require substantial pastoral intervention to remain engaged. Others may transform their academic performance following timely feedback, clearer expectations or a stronger sense of belonging. Educational gain is not distributed evenly across a student population. Learning analytics should help us understand where relatively modest pedagogical changes are likely to have the greatest impact.

Third, who have we stopped noticing because they continue to pass? The silent middle is not simply a descriptive label. It represents a challenge to institutional assumptions about success (Mather, 2026a). Students who consistently achieve marks in the middle classifications rarely appear within institutional dashboards because they generate little concern. Their continued progression can disguise unrealised potential. Universities that are serious about improving outcomes should become just as interested in students who have plateaued as those whose continuation is at risk.

Fourth, what should we teach differently tomorrow because of what the data tell us today? This is the most important question of all. Learning analytics should not conclude a conversation, it should start one. If programme teams leave meetings with a list of students to contact but no discussion about teaching, assessment or curriculum, then the data has served an administrative purpose rather than an educational one. Professional judgement remains the most powerful tool available to educators. Analytics should strengthen that judgement, not replace it.

Finally, how will we know whether our teaching has changed outcomes? Universities devote considerable resources to measuring continuation, progression and degree classifications. Those metrics are important, but they should not become proxies for educational quality. We should also ask whether students have become more confident learners, whether they participate more actively, whether they experience a greater sense of belonging (on their terms) and whether teaching has enabled them to exceed the trajectories that seemed likely at the beginning of their studies. Those are educational outcomes. They deserve to be measured with the same seriousness as institutional performance indicators.

None of the questions I have posed requires higher education to adopt a system such as ALPS. Schools, sixth form colleges and universities pursue different purposes, educate different learners and operate within different frameworks. The lesson is not the system itself – it is the educational philosophy that underpins it. Freire (1970/2005) argued that education becomes transformative through dialogue, reflection and action. The same principle should apply to learning analytics. Data should not become another mechanism for classifying students or managing institutional performance – it should encourage educators to reflect critically on their practice, challenge assumptions about learning and act in ways that improve students’ educational experiences.

My own work over the past year has explored transition, belonging, good teaching and the silent middle (Mather, 2026a, 2026b). This article has helped me realise that these are not separate conversations; they point towards the same conclusion: students succeed because teaching matters. Relationships matter, recognition matters, belonging matters and curriculum matters. Learning analytics only become educationally significant when they help us improve all of those things.

David Mather is Associate Head of School (Students) and Senior Lecturer in Educational Leadership and Management at the University of Portsmouth. His research explores identity, recognition, and transition across educational and professional contexts, with a particular interest in improving educational practice and the student experience. He is the founder of We See You, an initiative supporting Armed Forces, veteran, and Blue Light communities in higher education.


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Come back, Robbins, all is forgiven…

by Paul Temple

Mike Shattock and I are at present working on a book on English higher education policy from 1963 to the 2024 general election (forthcoming from Bloomsbury, since you ask). Our start date was set for us by the publication in that year of the Robbins report (Committee on Higher Education, 1963), which offers a classical model of “rational” policy formulation, identifying choices based on knowledge of various kinds, supported by testable data, and located in a defined organisational and policy environment. Distinctively, the report addressed both what universities should do, and how they should do it. Perhaps most crucially for the future of British higher education, it demolished the “pool of talent” argument, which claimed that only a fixed proportion of the population would be able to benefit from a university education, and so substantial expansion would pointlessly “dilute” the quality of existing provision. It was remarked at the time that it was indeed a happy coincidence that the size of the “pool of talent” in Britain exactly matched the number of existing university places. Taking this and other research findings, the Robbins Committee proposed a scheme of expansion of higher education in Britain that received cross-party support in Parliament, and created the structure that, in large measure, survived into the twenty-first century.

Simply to outline the work of the Robbins Committee is to invite nostalgia for a bygone age of policy-making, in Britain and probably most Western countries. Rory Stewart, a former minister in the Conservative administration of Boris Johnson, serving between 2015 and 2019, describes how he came to realise that, in different ministerial roles, his task was not to devise and implement policies in order to achieve actual performance improvements in his areas of responsibility – variously, air pollution and prisons – but to present anticipated failures in these fields in the most politically-helpful way: government as performativity (Stewart, 2023). Pathways to improvement in the areas of Stewart’s responsibilities were well-understood within the relevant professional groups, but were blocked by political and organisational obstacles, not least, as Stewart recognised, by the short-term nature of ministerial appointments and changing political priorities, set against the long timescales for change in most areas of public policy. Stewart came to realise that attempts to overcome these obstacles in the time likely to be available to him would merely highlight his political naivete. As a result, policy was enacted as performativity, which, various writers suggest, has become the dominant approach to public policy making in the UK and many other countries (Kim, 2024; Voss, 2014). The contrast with the world of the Robbins Committee is of course depressingly stark.

Performativity may also give rise to overlapping policy agendas that are not necessarily incompatible but which have been developed apparently in isolation from each other. One example is what happened following the 2011 Higher Education White Paper when new policies were intended to create dramatic changes to British higher education. But the performative approach to policy (“How can we present this in a headline-grabbing way?”) produced what has been termed “layering”, when new methods are attached to existing ones, which may change the ways in which the original structures worked (Mahoney and Thelen, 2010: 16; Ward et al, 2025). Thus, the new student fee regime was intended to change institutional methods by giving students market power; however, the institutional status hierarchy was unchanged, and student market power could only be exercised, if at all, in relation to institutions towards the bottom of the status hierarchy. A complicated fee regime was thus overlaid on an institutional structure created on a different basis.

As if that was not bad enough, the implicit (though unstated) assumption was that the students whose tuition fees were to be loaned from public sources would be attending one of the then-established universities, having met relatively rigorous entry requirements, and where considerable effort would be put into ensuring student progression and completion. That is to say, the new fees-and-loans system was to be operated within a well-understood and stable institutional environment. But simultaneously with this radical policy development, the same government was encouraging the creation of profit-making institutions, applying minimal entry requirements and with no control on student numbers and with little interest in academic achievement. These privately-owned companies would then be able to maximise the fee income paid to them on behalf of their students, which they would be free to use as they wished.

Put together, these two policies have created a situation that is financially and educationally disastrous (the same situation that existed in the United States), but no policy-makers seemed willing, at the time or subsequently, to assess the joint impacts of the two policies: each made a certain sort-of performative sense, but together – well, have you heard a coherent defence of the current set-up? Do let me know if you have.

SRHE Fellow Dr Paul Temple is Honorary Associate Professor in the Centre for Higher Education Studies, UCL Institute of Education.

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The World Cup issue

by Rob Cuthbert

SRHE News Editorial, July 2026

Once again, people across the country are anxiously awaiting results after years of effort leading up to the finals. Will their results be good enough to qualify for a favourable place in the next round? Everywhere individual performances are evaluated to decide who should be chosen. Different participants will be suited to different sides, all playing the same game, but in very different ways at different levels. Some sides are underrated, others are up and coming, some are always at the top, others live on fading glories of past exploits. And above it all sits an agency which organises and sets the rules for the competition, but seems immune from and impervious to criticism or public pressure.

Yes, students, schools and universities are waiting for GCSE and A-level results to be announced.

A-level candidates have spent years preparing to put in the best performance they can when it matters. Examination boards are referees, judging performance and applying sanctions as they see fit. For GCSE the sanctions are clear – no grade 4 or better in English and Maths, and it’s a red card for progression to the next round in school or college (unless you can improve to grade 4 or better in a resit) (or unless you can get Donald Trump to call the head of OfQual). For A-levels, universities and colleges are the teams choosing the people they want for next year. Some people would like to give a red card to anyone who has no A-levels. Ofqual are like FIFA, deciding on the rules affecting grade boundaries and whether Very Anxious Reviews (VAR) of results are eligible for appeal.

But GCSEs and A-levels are well ahead of the World Cup in terms of the integrity and credibility of the competition. To understand why, you need to understand how marking and grading works. Marking is not, of course, an exact science, but it can be monitored, moderated and checked to make it as rigorous and fair as possible – which is what happens, by and large. To convert marks to grades you look at whether a mark falls above or below a grade boundary. Grade boundaries are set by Ofqual, which aims to ensure that exams from one year to the next treat each year’s cohort of candidates fairly. This is not an easy task, and during Covid Ofqual relied on what PM Boris Johnson called (wrongly) a ‘mutant algorithm’, producing results which had to be abandoned at the last minute and replaced by centre-assessed grades. The debacle shone fresh light on a long-running problem with grades, which had already been exposed in analyses by independent consultant Dennis Sherwood. In essence, if a mark is close to a grade boundary it might be converted to either the higher or the lower grade. The explanation is set out clearly and in detail in Sherwood’s 2022 book Missing the Mark. Ofqual themselves admit that

“…more than one grade could well be a legitimate reflection of a student’s performance and they would both be a sound estimate of that student’s ability at that point in time based on the available evidence from the assessment they have undertaken.” (Ofqual, 2019).

In other words, if you were close to the borderline your B might have been an A, and both grades might have been regarded by Ofqual as equally ‘sound’. Not much consolation if you got AAB and needed AAA for your chosen university.

In a World Cup penalty shoot-out, you either score or miss. That’s what FIFA say. But Ofqual would say, if you nearly scored, or hit the bar, it might count as either a goal or a miss, depending on the referee. If that had been the World Cup system, FIFA would have had to change it – straight away. But Ofqual, who have known about this problem for more than ten years, have not tackled it. Instead they doubled down. They changed the rules on reviews and appeals, to make it more difficult, and more expensive if unsuccessful, to get A-level scripts re-marked: it was as if VAR had been switched off. They played the man and not the ball in the media, claiming that Sherwood’s analysis was ‘without merit’. And when complaints persisted, critics have sometimes been silenced. Desperation to “maintain public confidence” in the examination system has outweighed  considerations of fairness to individuals within each cohort of candidates, and Dennis Sherwood’s arguments have never been contradicted; there has never been any official rebuttal, and he continues to air them where he can.

It doesn’t take a Donald Trump to jeopardise the credibility of A-level grades. They are already jeopardised by the grading system which Ofqual has established. There are many possible solutions, identified in Sherwood’s book, but none have been taken up, nor (it seems) even considered. The powers that be prefer to maintain public confidence in a flawed and unfair system, rather than change it to make it fairer. As GCSE and A-level results days approach, most people will once again believe that it is their performance that matters. But in fact one in four grades will be wrong, and “on average, about one “wrong” grade is “awarded” to every candidate in the land. With no right of appeal.” Every participant in the GCSE/A-levels penalty shoot-out will have one attempt which either counts as scoring when they missed, or counts as missing when they scored. This is not a beautiful game.

Rob Cuthbert is Emeritus Professor of Higher Education Management, University of the West of England and Joint Managing Partner, Practical Academics rob.cuthbert@btinternet.com. X/Twitter @RobCuthbert. Bluesky @robcuthbert22.bsky.social.


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Navigating research culture(s) in HE: Pracademia and professional identity

by Monika Foster, Jill Dickinson and Debbie Rigby

The intensification of the research agenda across higher education (HE) has sharpened questions about who participates in research, on what terms, and with what support. This is perhaps most prominent in post-1992 institutions whose applied agenda historically called for professionals to join academia to enhance knowledge-practice links, but who are recently experiencing a shift in research intensification. Academics with practitioner experience, commonly referred to as pracademics (Volpe and Chandler, 1999), have the potential to occupy an increasingly significant, yet under-recognised position within this landscape. Entering academia from professional practice, they must simultaneously navigate unfamiliar research cultures, renegotiate their professional identities, and reconcile competing demands from the worlds of practice and scholarship (Huey and Mitchell, 2016).

In this blog, we focus on a British Academy/Leverhulme funded project (Leeds Beckett University, 2026) that explored how pracademics might renegotiate their identities as they operate within, and move between, the different working contexts presented by practice and academia (Johnson and Ellis, 2023; Huey and Mitchell, 2016). We reflect on the findings that highlight the gaps that exist within both the literature and university practices to support pracademics who work within post-1992 institutions in renegotiating their identities as they navigate the research culture within HE.

Understanding research: the practitioner-academic identity and research divide

The literature suggests that pracademics can complement a diverse faculty (Dickinson and Griffiths, 2023) by transgressing boundaries, serving as network brokers between academia and industry, and creating new channels to enhance cooperation and communication across the academic-practitioner divide (Powell et al, 2018; Panda, 2014). However, an emerging pracademic identity may take time to adjust as practitioners might simultaneously hold on to their practitioner identities whilst developing new skills and connections in academia. Institutions and external partners that achieve higher levels of practitioner-academic collaboration are more likely to be more successful (Hughes et al, 2011; Posner, 2009). Organisations with the strongest academic networks and research capacities are likely to produce wider social, community and policy impacts as well as the benefits for business (Nicolaou and Birley, 2003; Siegel et al, 2007).

Against this backdrop, we sought to explore the following three questions: What do pracademics understand by the phrase ‘research within HE’? To what extent do pracademics perceive themselves as able to engage in, and navigate, the research within HE? And What other factors do pracademics perceive as either supporting or inhibiting their potential to contribute to the research within HE?

Practitioner-academic identity and research culture

We have purposively sampled institutions that are likely to employ a significant number of pracademics and that are developing their research agenda alongside their teaching offer. Post-1992 institutions (granted university status through the Further and Higher Education Act 1992) have traditionally recruited more pracademics (Obembe, 2023) and are increasingly focused on strengthening their research alongside their teaching provision (Guthrie and Neumann, 2007). Through an online survey completed by forty-five pracademics working in post-1992 universities, we intended to build an initial picture of pracademics’ experiences by exploring understandings of research culture, confidence in engaging in research, and professional identity, which helped identify key issues for further exploration.

The survey results highlighted no single understanding or definition of what research culture meant and participants consistently described it as much more than simply undertaking research. Factors perceived to support engagement with research culture included: supportive colleagues, mentoring, collaboration, opportunities for informal knowledge exchange and access to research development opportunities. In contrast, competing workload demands, limited time, unclear pathways into research, unfamiliar academic processes, and a lack of confidence seem to inhibit engagement.

Based on the survey outcomes, we explored further pracademics’ professional identity, how they navigate research culture, what they value in research, and how they experience the changing expectations of higher education in focus groups. Focus groups’ participants were from a range of disciplines including education, business, law, social work and policy. The focus group discussions were analysed using Reflexive Thematic Analysis (Braun and Clarke, 2006), and four interconnected themes emerged that capture pracademics’ journey and transition, starting with their professional identities, making sense of research culture, practitioners’ values, and how these values and experiences sit within a changing higher education landscape.

Theme 1: “It’s the synergy between the two”. Constructing a pracademic identity

Who am I becoming as a pracademic? Across the focus groups, we noted a recurring theme of professional identities, bringing established professional knowledge, values and experience into HE, drawing upon different aspects of themselves depending on the context. For many, their practitioner and academic identities were not experienced as separate or competing, but as closely connected. This is captured well in the words of one of the focus groups participants: “it’s the synergy between the two that makes it really interesting”, explaining that “sometimes it’s the practice that’s doing the heavy lifting and sometimes it’s the academic bit that’s doing the heavy lifting.”

Theme 2: “Learning the rules of a different game”. Navigating the hidden cultures of higher education

How do I learn to navigate the academic world? Although the research participants entered HE with substantial professional expertise, many reported feeling unexpectedly like novices when trying to grasp research culture. Research culture was described differently across the focus groups. Some participants described it as the environment in which research happens, whilst others reflected on arriving in HE with little understanding of where to begin “a little bit daunting on arrival”.These discussions suggest that engaging with research culture involves much more than learning research skills; it involves learning the language, expectations and culture of HE itself.

Theme 3: “Working with people rather than on people”. Practitioner values shaping research

What values do pracademics bring? Participants described research through the values they brought with them from professional practice. Research was described as most valuable when it remained connected to the communities and professions it sought to serve. Across the focus groups, participants consistently described their practitioner experience as shaping not only the research they wanted to undertake, but also how they understood impact. Research was valued for its ability to improve practice, support students and contribute to professional communities, research is not as an activity separate from practice, but as an extension of it.

Theme 4: When pracademic values meet institutional realities. Negotiating value within contemporary HE

What happens when those values encounter the realities of contemporary higher education? Whilst there was a strong commitment to research across the focus groups, participants also described becoming increasingly aware of what appeared to be recognised, rewarded and made visible within contemporary universities. Research outputs, funding applications and academic progression were often interpreted as indicators of what institutions value. A recurring thread throughout these discussions was participants’ growing awareness that research culture is changing, has research culture become “an empty signifier for ‘how many articles are you getting published in four-star journals?'”, whilst also asking where professional expertise, leadership and knowledge exchange fitted within this changing landscape.

Navigating research culture in a changing HE landscape

Overall, our study has shone a light on how pracademics navigate research culture within a changing HE landscape. Beyond simply identifying barriers to engagement, we explored how they establish professional identities and shape participants’ understandings of meaningful research, academic identity and the changing expectations of contemporary universities. The findings from the project suggest that these pracademics do not experience becoming academics as leaving their practitioner identities behind. They consistently describe building upon their professional knowledge, skills and values. Their practitioner identities remain central to how they understand themselves and the contribution they make within HE.

It is apparent that pracademics move between practitioner and academic perspectives depending on the context in which they are working. This flexibility strengthens their teaching, shapes the research questions they ask, and enables them to connect with students, colleagues and professional communities reflecting both worlds. Given the richness of contributions that pracademics can make in research and practice in universities, we hope that these findings might inform a broad range of stakeholders, including: policymakers, HE-related charities, senior university leadership, human resources and organisational development, research development, those who self-identify as pracademics, and those who have taken more traditional career paths.

Monika Foster is Professor of Business Education and Associate Pro Vice-Chancellor International and Educational Partnerships at Northumbria University, National Teaching Fellow and PFHEA, her research interests include leadership and change management, cross-cultural management and social capital development.

Jill Dickinson is Professor of Law and Professional Development at Leeds Law School, Leeds Beckett University, PFHEA, an Executive Coach (L7) and Solicitor (non-practising), and her research draws on creative methods to explore professional development and place-making.

Debbie Rigby is a PhD researcher at Leeds Beckett University and a former secondary school science teacher, Assistant Headteacher and teacher educator with a particular interest in research culture and professional identity in higher education.


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Do we know how many Black professors there are in UK higher education?

by Zarus Cenac

UK higher education is known to have too few Black professors (eg Hubbard, 2026). The presence of Black professors can be thought about by looking at 1) the number of Black professors or 2) the percentage of professors who are Black (Adisa et al, 2025; Gibney, 2024). The number/percentage has been referred to, for instance, in journal articles (Adisa et al, 2025; Arday, 2022), the media (Coughlan, 2021), and in the House of Lords (House of Lords, 2025). We can keep an eye on the number, or the percentage, to have an idea about if the situation is improving (Gibney, 2024; Nowell, 2025). So, is it not vital that we have accurate numbers and percentages? In a recent post on SRHE Blog, I considered how to statistically analyse the representation of Black professors in different ways –analyses showed that Black professors are underrepresented (Cenac, 2026a). In the present blog post, I discuss issues with the apparent number of Black professors and the apparent percentage of professors who are Black this blog post asks if we actually know the number and the percentage (Figure 1), and this blog post considers if we really should say that Black people are underrepresented in the professoriate.

Figure 1: Factors Which May Affect Our Measurement of the Black Presence in the Professoriate

Note. Figure 1 is based on the literature/data (Dembosky et al, 2019; HESA, 2026; Gibney, 2022). See the main text for full explanations. HESA is the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA, nd-a).

The number of Black professors

When people wish to say how many Black professors there are, a source they can use is the Higher Education Statistics Agency (HESA) (eg Essilfie-Quaye et al, 2025; Gibney, 2024) who “are the experts in UK higher education data” (HESA, nd-a, para 1). However, there are two points to consider: firstly, we should be mindful of how HESA categorises an academic as a professor (HESA, nd-b), and, secondly, ethnicity is unknown for a proportion of professors in the HESA data (HESA, 2026). Those two points are discussed next.

Professors in HESA data

In the HESA data, a professor may be classified as a professor (HESA, 2026, nd-c). Alternatively, a professor can be categorised into a different senior group for academics, for example, if the professor’s role is managerial (HESA, 2026; nd-c). So, there is a good chance that the HESA professor category shows us fewer professors than there truly are, and HESA are open about this (HESA, 2026) – see Figure 2. The different senior group is not limited to professors (HESA, 2026, nd-b); from looking through the HESA website (HESA, nd-b; 2024, 2026), HESA seem not to have data which specifies how many professors there are in the different senior group (eg overall or for Black professors).

Going by HESA data (HESA, 2024; 2026) and literature on the presence of Black professors, we can see instance after instance where the number of Black professors (eg Arday, 2022; Essilfie-Quaye et al, 2025; Gibney, 2024; Nowell, 2025) seems to have been derived from the HESA professor category, and (to my knowledge) without mentioning the issue that the HESA professor category may not include all professors because some professors are potentially being put into the different senior group. If awareness of this issue is not as good as it should be, perhaps HESA should consider if the issue could be communicated more obviously, for example, referring to it just before/after the table in HESA (2024) or HESA (2026) which breaks down the HESA professor category by ethnic group.

Figure 2: Black Female Professors

Note. Figure 2 refers to WHEN Equality (2026) and uses data from HESA (nd-d).

Unknown ethnicity

Ethnicity is not known for all academics in the HESA professor category (HESA, 2026). For example, ethnicity it is not known for 2,210 of those professors in the 2024–25 academic year (HESA, 2026). Because of this, we really should expect the number given for Black professors in the HESA professor category to be fewer than the true number of Black professors.

The percentage (proportion) of professors who are Black

If we want to see how well Black professors are represented, we can look to the percentage or proportion of people in the HESA professor category who are Black (eg Adisa et al, 2025; Cenac, 2026a; Essilfie-Quaye et al, 2025). For instance, statistical analyses (of people whose ethnicity is known) indicate that Black people are substantially less represented in the HESA professor category than they are in 1) the UK working-age population overall (Cenac, 2026a), and 2) an older section of the UK working-age population (Cenac, 2026b). Next, we will consider (in two ways) if percentages (proportions) from the HESA professor category actually are useful for looking into the representation of Black academics.

Professors in the HESA data

As covered earlier in this blog post, in the HESA data, professors can be in the professor category or the different senior group (HESA, 2026). We do not know if the percentage of professors who are Black would be different in the HESA professor category than it is for professors in the HESA different senior group. In the HESA data, professors with (at least) a certain level of seniority will not be categorised as professors, instead being put into the different senior group (HESA, 2026). Black representation is known to decrease the higher up people are in the academic hierarchy, from undergraduate student to professor (eg Gibney, 2022). So, it would not be surprising if Black representation is greater amongst the HESA professor category than amongst professors in the different senior group. Therefore, the percentage of Black people in the HESA professor category could be higher than the true percentage of professors who are Black. This means that the notable underrepresentation of Black people in the HESA professor category (Cenac, 2026a) would likely be found even if analysis included professors from the different senior group.

On the other hand, out of people whose ethnicity is known, Black people are 1.13% of the HESA professor category in 2024–25 (Cenac, 2026a), but 1.69% of the different senior group in the HESA (2026) data for 2024–25. So, it might not be the case that Black people are represented worse in the HESA professor category than they are amongst professors in the different senior group.

In the HESA (2026) data for 2024–25, there are nearly four times as many people in the professor category than in the different senior group. Therefore, findings with the HESA professor category are likely to be representative of what is happening with professors in general. So, it does seem useful to use percentages from the HESA professor category if we wish to know about the representation of Black professors.

Unknown ethnicity

Ethnicity is not known for some academics in the HESA data (HESA, 2026). When it comes to people giving their racial or ethnic background in a survey, some people refrain from giving their background (Dembosky et al, 2019). This refraining is suggested to not be the same across different backgrounds, with results indicating that Black people refrain the most whilst the group who refrain the least are White people who are other than Hispanic (Dembosky et al, 2019). If Black professors hold back on declaring their background more than other groups of professors, that could make it seem like the percentage of professors who are Black is lower than it truly is. However, the difference in the rate at which Black people and non-Hispanic White people refrain from giving their background (in a survey) is suggested to not even be 4% (Dembosky et al, 2019) – a difference in rates would probably not be an issue when it comes to using the HESA professor category for looking into the representation of Black professors.

Conclusion

The HESA professor category probably does not show us how many Black professors there really are, giving us a number which is lower than the true number of Black professors (eg Figure 2). Although HESA are forthcoming about how professors can be partitioned between the HESA professor category and the different senior group (eg HESA, 2026), HESA should consider if they can convey this better. Even if there truly are more Black professors than the HESA professor category suggests, this blog post is not implying that Black academics are well represented in the professoriate. Overall, the percentage (proportion) of Black professors in the HESA professor category shows a marked underrepresentation (Cenac, 2026a), and, as discussed above, that percentage should give us a good indication of the true representation (the underrepresentation) of Black professors despite factors which may somewhat affect how good the percentage is at indicating how the situation really is (Figure 1). So, when the HESA professor category is used to explore the presence of Black professors, far more emphasis should be put on the percentage or proportion of professors who are Black rather than the number of Black professors.

Zarus Cenac has worked at UK universities, for example, he was a visiting lecturer at City, University of London. He is currently an administrator at UCL. His interests include race and ethnicity from an interdisciplinary perspective.