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The TEF and HERB cross the devolved border (Part 2): the paradoxes of jurisdictional pluralism

Vicky Gunn

Vicky Gunn

By Vicky Gunn

Higher Education teaching policy is a devolved matter in Scotland, yet the TEF has amplified the paradoxes created by the jurisdictional plurality that currently exists in the UK. Given the accountability role it plays for Whitehall, TEF’s UK-wide scope suggests an uncomfortable political geography. This is being accentuated as the Higher Education and Research Bill (at Westminster) establishes the new research funding contours across the UK.  To understand how jurisdictional plurality plays out, one needs to consider that Higher Education in Scotland is simultaneously subject to:

Additional to the initial design of the instruments underpinning the metrics data, one could argue that there are significant emerging locational paradoxes regarding metrics. DfE oversees the TEF specification and the policy behind the best-fit metrics for it. During the inception of TEF2 it was clear that Whitehall had poor understanding of the diversity of how higher education teaching metrics work across the UK. The Scottish sector is still informing on the misalignments of the data-set instruments and the metrics generated.

Perhaps more worrying for the devolved administration in Scotland is that the social mobility and employment data sets are non-aligned (Holyrood uses Scottish Index of Multiple Deprivation (SIMD) and Whitehall uses POLAR), but these are still being visualized as comparable in the TEF assessors packs. This records social-economic categories for ScotGov in quite a different way to the POLAR system used by the DfE in Whitehall. For one set of information (associated with widening participation), SIMD has been accommodated. For the highly skilled employment information, however, POLAR is a universal for all institutions in the UK. There are grave concerns about a potential message suggesting a real terms deficit in Scotland’s actually good record on widening access when compared with POLAR based institutions in England.  (There are conversations, for example, about Scotland having less expected movement in terms of the percentage accessing higher education and highly skilled jobs because they start from a slightly higher base line percentage-wise.  If ScotGov isn’t careful, the simple rhetoric that flourishes under these conditions will undermine the evidence-base being used for government decision-making in Holyrood). Furthermore:

There is a gap in domestic (Scottish) higher education teaching policy research and there is no formalized devolved governmental direction for a Scottish approach to the TEF. This leaves Scottish HEIs in the unenviable position of trying, firstly, to reconcile two very different methods for accountability and compliance related to teaching in higher education and, secondly, to assess the relative merits burden of engaging in two systems. The situation is facilitating opportunistic informal policy co-creation across the Scottish institutions themselves. This largely conversational ‘governing narrative’ (emerging as the sector tries to coordinate responses to DfE consultations) operates like a semi-autonomous social field.

Speculations are controlled and amended as the sector attempts pragmatically to assess what the likely outcomes will be (including assumptions about loan book access, immigration, future developments of metrics’ instruments). Within this field, the Scottish HEIs are trying to establish rules which protect all that is good about the Scottish Quality Enhancement Framework from the perversions likely to be effected by the TEF, at the same time as assessing what the cost/benefit ratio of entering the TEF might be. This is all happening while we also try to second-guess new policy developments in the Scottish legislature (particularly relating to the Commission on Widening Access, but also on the future of the SFC and ScotGov’s narrative of economic sustainability).

The sands of devolved higher education policy underneath my feet seem to be in continual motion at the moment. My hair is standing on end. Only time will tell what the positive and negative impact of a semi-autonomous (social) informal policy field is within the context of devolution, but hopefully an enthusiastic educational researcher somewhere will come and interview us all.

SRHE Member Professor Vicky Gunn is Head of Learning and Teaching at the Glasgow School of Art. Follow her on Twitter @StacyGray45

[1] Some of the backstory to concerns regarding Unistats are touched on here: https://www.hesa.ac.uk/collection/c12061/sfc_letter.pdf/

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